Lesotho has a new hospital – built and operated under the first public-private partnership (PPP) of its kind in any low-income country. The IFC advice and promise was that it would cost the same as the public hospital it replaced. Instead the PPP hospital is costing the government 51% of their total health budget while providing 25% returns to the private partner and a success fee of $723,000 for the IFC.
In a report released today, ‘A Dangerous Diversion’, Oxfam and the Consumer Protection Association (Lesotho) explain how the Lesotho health PPP was developed under the advice of the International Finance Corporation (IFC – the private sector investment arm of the World Bank) and now costs the government $67 million per year, or at least three times the cost of the old public hospital. The hospital is reported by the IFC to be delivering better outcomes in some areas. But the biggest concern is that as costs escalate for the PPP hospital in the capital, fewer and fewer resources will be available to tackle serious and increasing health problems in rural areas where three quarters of the population live.
A consortium called Tsepong Ltd – among whose shareholders are South African healthcare giant Netcare – won an 18-year contract to build and run the new 425-bed hospital. Its return on investment is 25%. The PPP is the first of its kind in a low-income country and more ambitious and complex than the majority of PPPs attempted in high-income contexts. Not only is the private consortium responsible for designing, building, maintaining and partly financing the hospital, it also provides all clinical services for the contract period.
Since well before the PPP contract was even signed (in 2009) the IFC was busy marketing it a major success, proposing it as a model for other countries to replicate. In 2007, Bernard Sheahan, the IFC‘s Director of Advisory Services, said:
‘This project provides a new model for governments and the private sector in providing health services for sub-Saharan Africa and other regions. The PPP structure enables the government to offer high-quality services more efficiently and within budget, while the private sector is presented with a new and robust market opportunity in health services.’
And despite a significant body of evidence highlighting the high risks and costs associated with health PPPs in rich and poor countries alike, similar IFC-supported health PPPs are now well advanced in Nigeria, and in the pipeline in Benin. The IFC’s health PPP advisory facility has financial backing from the governments of the UK, the Netherlands, South Africa and Japan.
So why is the PPP so expensive? There are multiple and wide-ranging reasons outlined in the new report and in a previous blog authored by Dr John Lister on this site. Some of these seem inherent to health PPPs and raise serious questions about why the model was pursued in a low-income, low-capacity context. Other cost increases appear to be a result of bad advice given by the IFC.
It is accepted that borrowing capital via the private sector will always be more expensive than governments borrowing on their own account. The theoretical cost saving and value for money potential of PPP financing and delivery therefore lies in effective risk transfer to the private sector and, in turn, the effective management of that risk by the private sector in the form of improved performance and greater cost efficiency in its operations. In the case of Lesotho, this potential benefit has not been realised, and the costs are already escalating to unsustainable levels. As savings on clinical services have not been delivered, it is even more important to raise serious questions about why cheaper public financing options were not pursued.
The biggest losers of the Lesotho health PPP are the majority of Basotho people who live below the poverty line in poor rural areas, who have little or no access to decent healthcare and where mortality rates are high and rising. Amongst the most severe challenges facing the health system is the shortage of health workers. Yet while the budget line covering the health PPP will see a 116% rise in the next 3 years, the health worker budget will see below inflation annual increases of just 4.7%.
As the country‘s health financing crisis escalates, the option of reintroducing and increasing user fees at primary and secondary level facilities has already been tabled for debate. Such a devastating and retrograde move in Lesotho would further exacerbate inequality and increase rather than reduce access to healthcare for the majority of the population. World Bank President, Jim Yong Kim, recently stated that user fees for healthcare are both unjust and unnecessary. In an interview just last week in the UK’s Guardian newspaper Kim said:
“There’s now just overwhelming evidence that those user fees actually worsened health outcomes. There’s no question about it. So did the bank get it wrong before? Yeah. I think the bank was ideological.”
To ensure ideology rather than evidence is not driving the IFC’s continuing promotion of health PPPs in poor countries, our report calls for a fully independent review using peer reviewed evidence to question the appropriateness, cost-effectiveness and equity impact of this model. Oxfam and the Consumer Protection Association (Lesotho) also say that the IFC’s role in exposing Lesotho to such a high-risk, high-cost long-term contract should be investigated and, until then, the World Bank should stop all IFC advisory work in support of health PPPs.
Anna Marriott is the author of ‘A Dangerous Diversion’ and editor of Global Health Check.
The extreme gap between the rich and the poor has become headline news in countries around the world, with consensus from actors as diverse as the Pope, Christine Lagarde and President Obama that we need solutions to reverse the growing divide between the haves and the have nots.
In February 2014, backing a new IMF discussion paper, Christine Lagarde Director of the IMF underlined that ‘making taxation more progressive’ and ‘improving access to health and education’ have a key role to play in tacking inequality. Oxfam has worked for decades to promote universal access to quality health services, and in our new report ‘Working for the Many’ we consider evidence of how public services – especially health and education – impact on economic inequality.
First we consider a 2012 OECD study which quantifies the value of public services – the vast majority of which is health and education – to each quintile of the population, by converting that value into ‘virtual income’. The data shows that in OECD countries public services are worth the equivalent of a huge 76 per cent of the post-tax income of the poorest group, and just 14 per cent of the richest. So whilst public services benefit rich and poor equally in absolute terms, so that everyone is a winner, these services are strongly redistributive and help to mitigate the impact of today’s skewed income distribution by benefiting the poorest far more.
In fact, across OECD countries the virtual income gained from public services reduces income inequality by an average of 20 per cent. Similar calculations across six Latin American countries show the same impact – virtual income from health and education reduce income inequality by between 10 and 20 per cent.
Evidence from studies done across Asia, and more than 70 developing and transition countries shows the same underlying patterns in the world’s poorest countries. A 2007 study of healthcare systems in eight Asian countries and three Chinese provinces and regions shows that in all but one, healthcare had the same equalizing effect through progressive distribution of benefit. The more these governments spent on healthcare, the more progressive the distribution of income was and the more the healthcare system addressed economic inequality. This mirrors findings in the OECD study, that countries that increased public spending on services throughout the 2000s had an increasing rate of success in reducing income inequality. But those countries that cut spending during that time showed a marked decline in the rate of inequality reduction.
Whilst public services provide everyone with ‘virtual income’ and fight inequality by putting more in the pockets of the poorest; user fees and private services have the opposite effect.
User fees take money out of the pockets of the poorest and undermine the inequality-reducing potential of services. Health user fees cause 150 million people around the world to suffer financial catastrophe each year. That is approximately two per cent of the global population. And since Malaysia privatized portions of its health services and introduced user fees in the 1980s, out-of-pocket spending has risen, representing one-third of total healthcare spending in the country in 2009. A recent study in the USA showed that the poorest 20 per cent spend 15 per cent of their income on healthcare, compared to the richest 20 per cent for whom healthcare amounts to just 3 per cent of income. But despite this significant cost to the poorest, they still don’t get all the cover they need.
Private provision of healthcare further skews the benefit towards the richest. In three of the best performing Asian countries that have met or are close to meeting Universal Health Coverage – Sri Lanka, Malaysia and Hong Kong – the private sector is of negligible value to the poorest quintile of the population, and the benefits of private healthcare services are strongly regressive. They serve the richest far more than the poorest. Fortunately in these cases the public sector has compensated and allowed universal and equitable access to be achieved.
More recent and detailed evidence from a 2013 study of the Indian healthcare system finds that amongst the poorest 60 per cent of Indian women, the majority turn to public sector facilities to give birth, whilst the majority of those in the top two quintiles give birth in a private facility. Finally, comparable data from across 15 countries in sub-Saharan Africa reveals that just three per cent of people from families living in the poorest quintile sought care from a private doctor when sick.
Fees take more away from the actual income of the poorest people, and private services benefit the richest first and foremost. If governments are serious about closing the gap between rich and poor, and achieving Universal Health Coverage, the evidence points them towards free public services.
Read the full paper, ‘Working for the Few: Public Services Fight Inequality’
Emma Seery is Head of Inequality Policy and Campaigns for Oxfam GB
At a high-level meeting in Tokyo a couple of weeks ago World Bank Group President Jim Yong Kim was unequivocal – “achieving universal health coverage and equity in health are central to reaching the [World Bank] global goals to end extreme poverty by 2030 and boost shared prosperity.”
Kim’s emphasis on equity and the need to prioritize policies that actively redistribute resources and reduce disparities in health coverage marks a crucial and welcome turning point for the World Bank. As Oxfam argued in a recent paper, UHC reforms must be explicit about reducing inequality in access to health services, so that everyone has the same financial protection and access to the same range of high quality health services – according to need and not their ability to pay. Equity must be designed into the system from the beginning with governments and donors ensuring that the poor benefit at least as much as the better off at every step of the way towards universal coverage.
But by far the most significant outcome of the conference was the release of a joint World Bank and World Health Organization proposed framework for monitoring progress towards UHC. The framework sets out clear commitments to reduce out-of-pocket payments and improve access to health care for the poor with two new targets:
These clear targets and deadlines give something progressive to hold the World Bank Group accountable to but why set an 80% rather than 100% target? And if the Bank is serious about them the targets they should be monitored annually and included in the Bank’s new corporate scorecard currently under negotiation. And most importantly, what action will the Bank take to deliver against them?
User fees are the most inequitable method of financing health care services, yet they continue to exist in most poor countries. Three people every second are pushed into poverty because of them but donor support for fee removal has remained unacceptably low. The World Bank should break from history and play a clear pro-active role in helping governments to remove fees and to raise and distribute revenue for health equitably across populations.
At the same time the Bank needs to be much clearer that user fees should not be replaced by health insurance schemes that have been proven to prioritize already advantaged ‘easy to reach’ groups in the formal sector or rely on collecting premiums from people who are too poor to pay. As Oxfam’s recent paper showed, the countries making most progress towards UHC have prioritized spending on health from general taxation – either on its own or pooled with formal sector payroll taxes and international aid. Governments and donors, including the World Bank, should use the recent lessons from these countries and build on them.
At the Tokyo event we once again heard calls from Jim Kim for investment in ‘affordable’ ‘quality’ ‘health coverage’ for all, with an emphasis on ‘primary health care’. This is positive but we need greater reassurance that the Bank has shifted to a genuine focus on comprehensive primary health care for all as part of its UHC agenda. This would stand in stark contrast to its historic emphasis on ‘basic’, ‘selective’ or ‘minimum’ interventions or packages of care.
We hope world leaders listen to the clear call from the World Bank and WHO for UHC to be included in the post-2015 development framework. Universal health coverage provides the opportunity to accelerate progress on the health-related Millennium Development Goals, address the growing burden of non-communicable diseases, and most critically to move towards a more comprehensive approach to deliver on the right to equitable and affordable health care for all. This is something all world leaders should embrace as negotiations on the post-2015 development framework commence.
Ceri Averill is a Health Policy Advisor for Oxfam GB and author of Universal Health Coverage: Why Health Insurance Schemes are Leaving the Poor Behind
This great new two minute video captures the motivation and the rationale for the movement against a greater role for the private sector in the health care systems of low- and middle-income countries.
The video highlights the manipulation of the Universal Health Coverage agenda to serve the interests of profit making companies while simultaneously starving already crumbling public health services from badly needed investment.
As the Government of Ghana gears up its plans to celebrate the 10th anniversary of its now internationally famed National Health Insurance Scheme, Ghana’s Universal Access to Healthcare Campaign today launch our own assessment of progress to date. Our new paper explains how 65% of the population is still paying out-of-pocket in the old ‘cash and carry’ system and that at the current rate of progress UHC will not be achieved until at least the year 2076. Our campaign argues that progress will continue to stall as long as the NHIS structure excludes the very people it seeks to protect through overly-burdensome and unworkable insurance premiums.
Next week Ghana’s National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) will host a three day International conference in Accra with the theme: “Towards Universal Health Coverage: Increasing Enrolment whilst Ensuring Sustainability”. The conference will attract Universal Health Coverage (UHC) practitioners, academia, policy makers, NGOs and CSOs in their numbers, and seeks to examine the successes and challenges of the NHIS, and elicit feedback and proposals for reform.
While the Universal Access to Healthcare Campaign (UAHCC ) welcomes the anniversary event, we are concerned that inherent pitfalls of the NHIS have been consistently left on the sideline over the past decade and if unadressed will stifle any prospect the NHIS has of achieving UHC in the near future. The UAHCC will convey this position at the anniversary conference, where we have been invited to participate in a panel discussion, but also in our own civil society forum today to which government officials and donor agency staff have been invited.
The paper launched today acknowledges some strengths of the scheme including its generous benefits package, comprehensive level of care and treatment coverage and relatively broad range of exemption categories. However, these strengths are only relevant to NHIS active members. The UAHCC calls on the Government of Ghana to act on the glaring short falls of the scheme including:
Sidua Hor is coordinator for the Ghana Universal Access to Healthcare Campaign Coalition